### !!! >>> ~~~ 2025 ~~~ <<< !!! ###

Diese Zahl tauch immer öfter auf…
NEIN…
Nicht nur der US General, Krieg zwischen AMerika und China.

Hatte es veröffentlicht…
SEHR ernstzunehmende Adressen…
Schaukeln sie sich gegenseitig hoch…
ODER?

Asien…
Könnte eine andere Baustelle werden!?

Sie WOLLEN ES…
Sie provozieren es…
Der liebe Gott möge uns allen…
Beistehen!

The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous.

It is an VERY, VERY, VERY important…
Think Tank

But an US (…)

*

Du meinst die KI…
Die „Polizei“
Ja GOOGLE, habe ich einen Punkt…
Gesetzt?

🙂
😉

ABER…
Es gibt AUCH positives, wobei Microsoft…
Ihre KI…
Effektiver war als die von Google…

Es IST mir egal WER führ solange sie NICHT…
1. Die Menschen Fiii
2. Solange es IM Interesse UNSER ALLER IST

Kommt noch…
Kennst mich doch…
🙂



Irgendwann MACHT ES…
BUMM!

Ein Rundumschlag!

>>> Leute, hat NICHTS mit mir zutun, Google IST echt gefährlich <<<

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E. Musk…
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WIE der Tayyip!???

Wir WERDEN sehen!!!

„How the United States Could Lose a Great-Power War COMMENTARY (Foreign Policy)“

„by Elbridge A. Colby and David A. Ochmanek

October 30, 2019

The U.S. armed forces are now preparing for an age of great-power competition and rightly so. The 2018 National Defense Strategy (PDF) shows the Defense Department is focused on the threats posed by Russia and especially China to U.S. interests, allies, and established partners such as Taiwan.

For now, U.S. forces appear poorly postured to meet these challenges. That’s because both Russia and China have developed formidable networks of missiles, radars, electronic warfare systems, and the like to degrade and potentially even block U.S. forces‘ ability to operate in the Western Pacific and Eastern Europe to defend allies and partners in those regions. China in particular is developing increasingly impressive capabilities to project military farther afield, including through systems such as aircraft carriers, long-range aviation, and nuclear-powered submarines. Together, these forces have tilted the military balance over places such as Taiwan and the Baltic states from unquestioned U.S. dominance to something much more competitive.

The question is what to do about it. Left unchecked, China or Russia may seek to exploit these advantages to coerce or even conquer U.S. allies or Taiwan. In response, some influential voices in the government are suggesting strategies of horizontal escalation or cost imposition—approaches that would enlarge the battlefield to go after things the other side values beyond the original zone of fighting. Indeed, there are strains of such arguments in some (PDF) official documents coming from quarters of the Pentagon, motivated by hopes of fending off proposals that would threaten their Command’s place in the packing order or disrupt their Service’s carefully crafted investment plans or ways of operating. Likewise, some theorists with influence in parts of the defense establishment promote such strategies in the form of proposals for “offshore balancing” or “offshore control (PDF).”

The normal rationale for these arguments is that Chinese local advantages in the Western Pacific and the Russian edge in Eastern Europe are too great to be reversed directly in those areas, but the United States can use its worldwide reach to inflict serious costs on China or Russia elsewhere. In the event China attacked Taiwan, for instance, the United States could impose a trade embargo or go after China’s base in Djibouti and facilities in places like Pakistan, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka. And in the event Russia seized the Baltic states, the United States could strike at Russian forces in Crimea or Syria. The theory is that threatening to destroy or take away things farther afield could cause the opponent to refrain from attacking or relinquish its original target.

Horizontal escalation and cost imposition have a superficial appeal. But as the centerpiece of U.S. and allied deterrence, they will prove wanting.

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By shifting the focus of defense planning away from a direct confrontation with our adversaries‘ apparent advantages, horizontal escalation and cost imposition have a superficial appeal. But as the centerpiece of U.S. and allied deterrence, they will prove wanting (PDF). Indeed, relying too heavily on such approaches would play right into Chinese and Russian advantages.

This isn’t because horizontal escalation and cost imposition can’t be effective in the abstract, although it is hard to identify examples from history of it working. Rather, it is because widening a war at the expense of the local fight generally favors China and Russia, not the United States and its allies.

That’s because the United States is trying to defend allies and partners in those other great powers‘ front yards. The United States‘ interests in doing so are important, but still partial—and China and Russia’s are likely to be considerably deeper. China may well care more about Taiwan, which it considers a renegade province, or Russia the Baltic states, which directly neighbor St. Petersburg, than the United States does about them. This is only natural, but it means that the “balance of resolve”—which side cares more about the issue—may well favor the other side.

Horizontal escalation is a bad choice for the United States under these circumstances because neither China nor Russia has anything like the overseas presence that the United States has—and accordingly, neither is likely to care about anything beyond its borders as much as winning a war over Taiwan or the Baltic states. Sure, Russia has interests in Syria, and China in Djibouti, but their significance to each pales in comparison to the Baltic states or the political status of Taiwan, respectively.

Even relatively aggressive U.S. horizontal escalation efforts against Chinese or Russian assets in third countries or at sea are not likely to sway their decision-making much.

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This means that even relatively aggressive U.S. horizontal escalation efforts against Chinese or Russian assets in third countries or at sea are not likely to sway their decision-making much. These regions simply aren’t as valuable as Taiwan is to Beijing or the Baltic states to Moscow, and both would have very probably already factored their loss into any decision to risk war with the United States.

Some argue for an even more aggressive approach of cost imposition in lieu of actually defending U.S. allies and partners such as Taiwan—for instance, attacks against China or Russia along their vulnerable periphery, such as Russia’s Far East or China’s western areas, or against what some call strategic centers of gravity, such as their government control apparatus or economic assets vital to their societies. This is not likely to work either—and might well prove cataclysmic. If the United States initiates escalation in ways that are more directly threatening to its great-power opponents, it risks turning a limited war into a much wider one—on grounds favorable to Russia or China. This is because attacks against these cost-imposition targets—whether in peripheral areas or against strategic assets—will either be pinpricks, unlikely to matter much, or will be so painful that they provoke, and may appear to much of the rest of the world to justify, severe retaliation. Russia and China each have plenty of ways to escalate in return, including the use of nuclear weapons—even against the United States itself. This strategy is an invitation to painful and possibly massive retaliation without a plausible way of achieving our goals.

Fortunately, none of these demerits of horizontal escalation is reason for despondency. The United States, alongside reinvigorated efforts by its allies and partners, can protect those allies and its own interests against military aggression by even the most threatening adversary states. While it is not realistic to expect to achieve against China or Russia the sort of comprehensive dominance that U.S. forces have enjoyed over smaller regional adversaries, neither is it necessary. What the 2018 National Defense Strategy calls for (PDF) is to develop, in concert with U.S. allies and partners, military forces and strategies that can credibly deny China or Russia the ability to take over nearby territory.

The United States needs forces that are able to contest Chinese aggression against Taiwan or U.S. allies in the Western Pacific or Russian assaults against NATO allies from the beginning of hostilities.

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In particular, the United States needs forces that are able to contest Chinese aggression against Taiwan or U.S. allies in the Western Pacific or Russian assaults against NATO allies from the beginning of hostilities, reaching into contested zones to first blunt and then defeat any such Chinese or Russian invasion. War games and analysis suggest that such approaches are technically and operationally feasible and could be carried out at a cost the United States can afford. What is needed are forces that can, in the first instance, generate and sustain combat power better than today’s forces. Long-range bombers, submersibles, and mobile land-based systems are well suited to this challenge. Second, future forces must be able to detect, identify, track, and attack invading forces at sea, on land, and in the air in the presence of the enemy’s advanced air defenses, electronic warfare systems, and other threats. Distributed networks of sensors, jam-resistant data links, standoff weapons, and other innovations are emerging that can enable these new operational concepts.

The Pentagon is moving toward implementing a strategic shift in this direction. The challenge now is to identify the most promising options for providing the requisite capabilities and to move the resources needed to field them rapidly and in large numbers. This is now the crucial task on which the U.S. military and the militaries of our allies and partners should focus.

Elbridge Colby is a principal at the Marathon Initiative. He served as U.S. deputy assistant secretary of defense for strategy and force development from 2017 to 2018. David Ochmanek is a senior defense analyst at the nonprofit, nonpartisan RAND Corporation. He served as deputy assistant secretary of defense for force development from 2009 to 2014.

This commentary originally appeared on Foreign Policy on October 29, 2019. Commentary gives RAND researchers a platform to convey insights based on their professional expertise and often on their peer-reviewed research and analysis.“

https://www.rand.org/blog/2019/10/how-the-united-states-could-lose-a-great-power-war.html

— 8.790.000 —

Google have you ever been really fucked?

Wait,
You and me, we’re gonna

*

Liebe Leser,
Ich will NICHT das man euch etwas vorkaut…
Euch „leitet und lenkt“
Mein Anliegen IST das ihr denkt, dass ihr SELBST entscheidet…
Was richtig und was falsch ist.

Meine türkischen Leser, WIE mein „leben“ selbst…
Die „Politik“
ALLES änderst sich „sekündlich“
Und ich MUSS ob es mir passt oder…
Nicht…
Habt Verständnis

*

Kobat…
eAutos!???

Les etwas

Seht es „im Zusammenhang“ mit der Uranmunition die durch die Engländer
An die Verräter…
Geliefert werden soll, ein Liebesgruß aus Moskau…
Nach London wäre durchaus angebracht.

— Aber AUCH Deutschland STEHT auf dem Präsentierteller —

Also ACHTUNG!

Gruß an die Flack an diese AußendingsBUMMS!

30 +1 = 31:1

Ihr MÜSST das ALLES WISSEN, berücksichtigen und erst dann…
Entscheiden ABER…
Bitte glaubt mir was ich versprochen…
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Russland und Japan…
JA…
Die — künstlich herbei gerufene — Rivalitätsfrage…
Führung der EU zwischen Frankreich und Deutschland…
Es geht um alte Wunden um neue – alte Rivalitäten, hier…
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– Ja ja, der ABE meine türkischen Leser werden sich vielleicht erinnern –

Die Politik im allgemeinem DIE Internationale im besonderen IST KEIN Thema für den Stammtisch

NEIN,
Ist ES NICHT

Fickt sie die Rindviecher, FICKT SIE bis zum geht nicht mehr

Wieee immer!

Merci
🙂

Ich komme NICHT DAZU da WIEDER, ihr MÜSST erst „vorbereitet werden“ die Türken (das Letze Video)

>>> Mein Lösungsvorschlag usw. <<<

Die Türken kennen die RPG-7…
Zumindest vom Hören – Sagen her, die PKK…
ABER…
— NICHTS —
IST sicher WEIL wie in der Informatik…

Kommt die Zeit…
…!

😉

Und DAS liebe Leser IST bei weitem NICHT die einzige Möglichkeit!

Und wenn wir schonmal Tayyipistan angesprochen haben:

ZWEI Dinge, das eine solltet das andere MÜSST ihr mir bitte glauben;
Etwas sehr seltenes, ein deutscher der türkischen Namen fast richtig ausspricht, dabei IST die Regel ganz einfach, hatte ich mal in der Vergangenheit erwähnt…
Mann betont den ersten und letzten Buchstaben und man hat einen Namen fast perfekt ausgesprochen. Kommen wir zur HDP…
— Und all ihren Vorgängern —
NEIN, sie repräsentieren in der Regel nicht die Kurden sondern die politischen Forderungen der…
PKK…
BITTE glaubt mir in der Vergangenheit habe ich immer dazu aufgerufen…
Löst euch von ihnen, WERDET die wahren Repräsentanten der Menschen und…
NEIN…
Weder gesetzlich NOCH sozial gesehen, es gibt KEINE Minderheiten in der Türkei und religiös schon gar nicht WEIL es wäre GEGEN den Islam. Oft genug von hier aus angesprochen…
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GuyS,

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— 8.530.000 —
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„Nachfolge von Stoltenberg: Leyen soll als Kandidatin für das Amt des Nato-Generalsekretärs gelten
Der Norweger Jens Stoltenberg will im Herbst von der Nato-Spitze abtreten. Im Gespräch für seinen Posten ist auch die amtierende EU-Kommissionspräsidentin.

Von Sven Lemkemeyer
01.04.2023, 14:09 Uhr“

https://www.tagesspiegel.de/internationales/nachfolge-von-jens-stoltenberg-leyen-soll-als-kandidatin-fur-das-amt-des-nato-generalsekretars-gelten-9598811.html

*

Ich weiß es NICHT!?

>>> !!! ### Veee – Unddd ### !!! <<<

Ich BIN ich macht mich NICHT verrückt

Ich MUSS will nochmal zum Training,
Lungen FLECKEN

Kaputnik

Der ERSTE Satellit…
Das ERSTE Lebewesen…
Der ERSTE Mensch…
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Verlogen…
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