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„Börse Online
Türkische Lira bleibt unter Druck – Neuer Ärger mit USA droht
© iStockphotoZu den Zweifeln an der Unabhängigkeit der türkischen Zentralbank gesellen sich Börsianern zufolge Sorgen um neue Spannungen mit dem Nato-Partner USA. Grund hierfür sei die Ankündigung des Staatspräsidenten Recep Tayyip Erdogan, weitere russische Raketenabwehrsysteme kaufen zu wollen. „Die Beziehungen zwischen den USA und der Türkei scheinen auf einen neuen Tiefpunkt zuzusteuern“, sagte Timothy Ash, Chef-Analyst für Schwellenländer beim Vermögensverwalter Blue Bay. Es bestehe das Risiko neuer Sanktionen.rtr“
https://www.msn.com/de-de/finanzen/top-stories/t%C3%BCrkische-lira-bleibt-unter-druck-neuer-%C3%A4rger-mit-usa-droht/ar-AAOREps?ocid=msedgntp
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Rus…
Değil, sadece tasdik ediyor, ÖNDER DIYOR bunu!
„Greta hat … nein, Deutschland hat gewählt: Ein Blick aus Schweden auf die deutsche Bundestagswahl
27 Sep. 2021 10:30 Uhr
Ein Ruck werde durch Deutschland gehen, lautete die Prognose der schwedischen Medien für die Bundestagswahl. Man setzte auf die Kanzlerkandidatin Annalena Baerbock der „Grünen“. Sie könne Kanzlerin werden und Deutschland verändern. Auch wenn Bündnis 90/Die Grünen nur Platz drei erreichten, hätten Umweltthemen gesiegt.“
https://de.rt.com/europa/124803-greta-ahhhh-deutschland-hat-gewahlt/
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„ZEIT ONLINE
Green Party election result: The Green dream is over
Robert Pausch vor 47 Min.
Although the election was held in full awareness of the climate crisis, the results for the Greens and Annalena Baerbock are disappointing. How could this happen?
This is an automatically generated translation. Click here for the German version of this article. Read more English election coverage here.
Diese Übersetzung wurde automatisch generiert. Die deutschsprachige Version des Artikels finden Sie hier. Weitere englischsprachige Artikel zur Bundeswahl finden Sie hier.
The Greens wanted to rise above themselves and have remained entirely where they always were. That is the message not only of this election Sunday, but above all of the past four months. A time that began on a high for the Greens and their candidate for chancellor, Annalena Baerbock, and now ends with them in the doldrums. Four months in which the Greens were first buoyed by their own success, then became grumpy and finally disillusioned.
But, they will now say, isn’t 14.8 percentage points still the best result in Green history? True, but the historic context against which the Green result must be measured is not reflected in the last few decades, but within the last few months. This federal election was the first to be held in full awareness of the climate crisis. All attempts by the other parties to establish a strong counter-narrative (taxes, economy, gender) failed. A few months before the election, the highest German court had also readjusted the discursive and legislative foundations of climate policy. And on Friday, more than 500,000 young people walked through the streets of the republic for more climate protection.
In 1990, when the Greens suffered their last major electoral defeat, the party was hopelessly divided and the chief topic of the time (the reunification) was one that the Greens had no purchase on. In 2021, the party was united, the opponents weaker than ever, the chancellery orphaned and the central theme of the election campaign the one the Greens had been cultivating for 40 years. Despite all this, despite the fact that the conditions could not have been better, Sunday ended in defeat for the Greens.
How on earth could this happen?
Naturally, explanations are readily available: the lack of experience with a personalised election campaign, too many advisers or too few or the wrong ones and – welcome to analysis bingo – an overstretched party headquarters. All of these explanations are not wrong, of course, but they are not quite right either. The matter goes deeper.
The story was perhaps too good to be true
There has been a lot of talk in the last three years about the „new Greens“, a party that – so the story went – had recognised the big issue of the day, combined radicalism with a sense of reality, brought a new language into politics and thus expanded, slowly at first, then faster and faster, from the fringe to the centre of society. Coming of Age as a political project. It was a pretty good story. Maybe too good to be true.
In this election campaign, at least, this idea seemed dubious. It already started with the selection of candidates, where in the end it was not the chances of success that decided, but the party’s own logic. Although Robert Habeck always had a much better chance of convincing swing voters in all the polls, he still had no chance. For the party’s middle class, Habeck has always been an incalculable risk, a politician who follows his instincts and whims rather than the foundational decisions of the party. Annalena Baerbock, on the other hand, did not frustrate the party, but embraced it. She cultivated networks, secured loyalties and so the functionaries rallied around her at the decisive moment. When she finally made her move, some celebrated it as a victory. But what had been won?
In the debate with Robert Habeck, Baerbock had always been described by her supporters as a kind of younger Merkel: detail-oriented, always perfectly prepared, and while Habeck – well, you know – was wrong from time to time, with Annalena one could not, with the best will in the world, remember her making a single mistake. Flawlessness became the brand essence and remained so even when the goal was no longer candidacy but chancellorship. That could only go wrong.
Even as the CV debate (the first major Baerbock crisis) slowly rolled on, leading Green politicians complained in confidential conversations that the accusations were so dangerous because they hit „the centre of the story“: Baerbock was, surprise surprise, not flawless after all, not perfectly prepared in every situation and obviously not as detail-oriented as her supporters liked to tell it. After only a few weeks, the first half of Baerbock’s self-narrative was badly damaged. And the second half gradually crumbled.
„I stand for renewal, others stand for the status quo“ was the first central sentence of the chancellorship candidate Annalena Baerbock, which was as inevitable as it was dangerous. Inevitable because Baerbock, as a young woman between two older men, inevitably had to occupy the pole of change. And dangerous because it quickly became clear that renewal alone was not the only basic need of most Germans.
„Change creates stability“ was the well-considered motto two years ago when the Greens were still operating with a dual leadership. In the election campaign, however, this dual message was dissolved to one side. Suddenly there was only talk of change, of renewal and reform, or, as in the party’s peculiar election commercial, of having to „live the awakening“. But the rigid progressiveness of the Greens was aimed past the post-pandemic society.
Everything must change, but everything remains as it is
However, things became really confused when Baerbock combined the pathos of change with a policy of freedom from imposition. Hardships did not appear in her language, contradictions were smoothed out and for every problem there was a solution from the toolbox of „good politics“. Commuters get „energy funds“, companies a „pact between politics and business“ and soon there will be green hydrogen for steelmakers. Everything has to change, but everything remains as it is. That, however, was no longer dialectics, but Dadaism.
The „optimistic messages“ that the Green strategists had plucked for the candidate became more and more entangled with the New Green self-claim of honest rhetoric. For the idea that the task of the century, ecological transformation, could be mastered without anyone noticing was a story that the Greens actually did not believe themselves.
Thus, the Greens contributed their share to the fact that this first election campaign under the shadow of the climate crisis ended with a collective self-deception. Sure, „the climate issue“ was talked about, but as if it were a middle-order challenge. Who has to go without? What will be banned? Who is going to pay for it? That was the triad of problem distortion to which even the Greens submitted. Only when the chancellorship had long since ceased to be an issue did Baerbock dare for a moment to contradict the others‘ half-baked concept of freedom („Only incentives, no bans“) and promptly reaped indignation that was as routine as it was vociferous. After all, this is also part of the truth: anyone who butts heads with those who refuse to acknowledge the realities of climate policy had better have a thick skin.
For this reason, too, it is far from certain that the Greens would have won 25 instead of 14.8 percent with Robert Habeck. During the election campaign, Habeck successfully experimented with rhetoric on the level of ecological problems. He did not pretend that there were only winners in the upcoming revolution and in general very consistently avoided fooling people too much. However, this is naturally easier in the penumbra of publicity than in the limelight.
In addition, another candidate would also have been confronted with a Green problem that was openly revealed in this election campaign: the party’s inner need for regression. After Robert Habeck in particular had committed the Greens to breaking out of their own pigeon hole in the last three years, one could see in the election campaign how greatly the party longs to return precisely there. In June, when the CDU/CSU and the SPD launched the first effective attack on the Greens in the petrol price debate, the party’s middle class reacted with a mixture of shock and helplessness. The political opponents were accused of unfairness, the media of short-circuiting, which may have been factually correct, but was politically pointless. Because sulking won’t win you a general election.
It was a pattern that was repeated steadily in the weeks that followed. An ad campaign by the New Social Market Economy Initiative? „Hate“, planned by people „who wanted to see the country burn“. Baerbock’s plagiarism? A „dirty campaign“, a „right-wing propaganda war“, an approach „like one of Steve Bannon’s strategies“, or directly from „Trump, Farage and Co“. A critical cover on Der Spiegel? „Opinion mongering“, „sexism“. These are all quotes from Green ministers, elected representatives and candidates for the Bundestag that revealed an impressive degree of strategic naivety. We are the good guys, the others are bad. We want to talk about „content“, the others are „campaigning“ – welcome to the panopticon of self-righteousness. Baerbock, on the other hand, did not counter this regression, on the contrary, she fuelled it. The fact that, after the first plagiarism reports came to light (knowing full well that dozens more would follow), she had the slogan „character assassination“ put forward remains the most serious mistake of her campaign.
Baerbock cost the Greens votes
The Green dream of the chancellorship evaporated in these few days at the latest. The internal slogan from the spring was that the party’s base was at about 20 percentage points. The rest would have to be delivered by the candidate. Today, the 20 percentage points have become 14.8. Annalena Baerbock has not brought the party any additional points; rather, according to the polls, she has cost the Greens votes. The party that wanted to lead the country is now just ahead of the FDP. That is the result of the first Green candidacy for chancellor.
What will happen now? The Greens will probably soon be more concerned with the exploratory talks than with their own defeat, and the party’s centre of power will probably shift from Annalena Baerbock to Robert Habeck. However, this is far from the end of the story. Is there a political language that names the magnitude of the problems of the future, but does not inspire fear, but hope? Can the space of the politically possible be expanded in such a way that there is room for what is necessary? What does an ecological policy have to achieve that wants to win majorities beyond the green-liberal core milieus? And what role do the Greens want to play in the future?
Three years ago, the Greens started to ask themselves these questions. For the time being, they remain unanswered. Today more than ever.“
https://www.msn.com/de-de/nachrichten/newsinenglish/green-party-election-result-the-green-dream-is-over/ar-AAOREch?ocid=msedgntp
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Söder, Söderr!
„CSU größter Verlierer: Nur noch 31,7 Prozent“
https://www.msn.com/de-de/nachrichten/politik/csu-gr%C3%B6%C3%9Fter-verlierer-nur-noch-31-7-prozent/vi-AAORexk?ocid=msedgntp
„CSU erzielt schlechtestes Ergebnis seit 1949 – Söder attackiert Aiwanger“
https://www.msn.com/de-de/nachrichten/politik/csu-erzielt-schlechtestes-ergebnis-seit-1949-s%C3%B6der-attackiert-aiwanger/vi-AAOQEAL?ocid=msedgntp
