Mit Druck…
\nMit Zwang erreicht ihr bei mir NUR DAS Gegenteil.<\/p>\n
Ich KANN…
\nUnd WERDE immer mehr aufdrehen…
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Gef\u00e4ngnis…
\nIst KEINE Option, daf\u00fcr ist es…
\nZu sp\u00e4t!<\/p>\n
Leben…
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*<\/p>\n
Deswegen…
\nWENN ihr das sehen k\u00f6nntet was ich sehe…
\nWENN ihr w\u00fcstet was ich „wei\u00df“<\/p>\n
Bitte…
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\n…
\nWirklich nicht. Ich wei\u00df bis wohin ich gehen kann…
\nUND darf!<\/p>\n
Country<\/strong> DIE\u2026 — Die Wahrheit MUSS „Wahrheit“ und das Recht, Recht bleiben —<\/p>\n *<\/p>\n „In Nord Stream Mystery, Baltic Seabed Provides a Nearly Ideal Crime Scene A section of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline in Lubmin, Germany. Much of the European Union and the United States \u2014 under both President Barack Obama and President Donald J. Trump \u2014 opposed the pipeline\u2019s construction.Credit…Laetitia Vancon for The New York Times<\/p>\n Rebecca Ruiz reported from Stockholm, and Justin Scheck reported from Germany and the Baltics. A large disturbance off the Danish island of Bornholm on Sept. 27 caused by sabotage on the two Nord Stream lines running from Russia to Germany under the Baltic Sea.Credit…Armed Forces of Denmark<\/p>\n \u201cThe key question is not what kind of surveillance there was, but why the lack of surveillance for this pipeline \u2014 and other pipelines and electric cables and the underwater cables on the seabed,\u201d said Niklas Rossbach, deputy research director at the Swedish Defense Research Agency. Pipes left over from the construction of Nord Stream 2, in Sassnitz, Germany. Repairing the damage in the Baltic Sea could cost about $500 million per pipe.Credit…Laetitia Vancon for The New York Times<\/p>\n But like any good mystery story, the sabotage has layers of intrigue and multiple players with degrees of motive and ability. Even the decision by the Swedish government to keep details of its inquiry secret from Western allies has prompted whispered speculation that perhaps investigators have cracked the case and are strategically keeping quiet. Nord Stream 1 in Lubmin. The pipeline came online in 2011. Germany wanted cheap, reliable energy, and Russia wanted to reduce its reliance on gas pumped west through Ukraine.Credit…Lena Mucha for The New York Times<\/p>\n Soon after Nord Stream I went online, the Kremlin started pushing for another set of pipes. This second pipeline, known as Nord Stream II, has been even more contentious, with most of the European Union and the United States \u2014 under both President Barack Obama and President Donald J. Trump \u2014 opposing it. The destroyed Kyiv suburb of Irpin this month. Even after Russia invaded, Ukraine expected to continue charging Russian companies to transmit gas during the first half of 2022.Credit…David Guttenfelder for The New York Times<\/p>\n Many European governments and experts see Moscow as the most likely saboteur. President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has used gas as a political lever in the past and there is evidence that he saw Europe as vulnerable. The Baltic Sea is a graveyard for unexploded weapons dumped after the World Wars. Expeditions to clear those obstacles are common, meaning the expertise to carry out underwater detonation is ubiquitous.Credit…Andrea Mantovani for The New York Times<\/p>\n The fact that the pipeline was not carrying gas at the time of the explosions has contributed to that speculation. \u00a9 2022 The New York Times Company“<\/p>\n
\nUnresolved
\nUS Commercial
\nGermany
\nNetwork
\nRussian Federation
\nNon-Profit Organization
\nTurkey
\nEuropean Union
\nWallis and Futuna Islands
\nCzech Republic
\nNetherlands
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\nIndia
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\nArgentina
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\nOld style Arpanet
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\nJapan
\nSt. Pierre and Miquelon
\nMalaysia
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\nCocos (Keeling) Islands
\nNew Zealand (Aotearoa)
\nRomania
\nItaly
\nSao Tome and Principe
\nIndonesia
\nTaiwan
\nUnited Kingdom
\nAustria
\nBelgium
\nDenmark
\nUS Educational
\nIceland
\nNicaragua
\nSouth Africa<\/p>\n
\nFragezeichen WERDEN immer mehr\u2026
\nImmer mehr\u2026
\nBitte h\u00f6rt auf, ich WILL meine 9mm\u2026
\n\u2026
\nRuhe IST, es geht ums Prinzip!<\/strong><\/ins><\/p>\n
\nAs investigators piece together clues, Russia has quietly taken steps to begin expensive repairs on the giant gas pipeline, complicating theories about who was behind September\u2019s sabotage.<\/p>\n
\nDec. 26, 2022
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\nMore than 15 years ago, when the Nord Stream gas pipeline between Russia and Germany was little more than an idea, a Swedish government study warned of the risks inherent in running a critical piece of energy infrastructure along the Baltic Sea floor.
\nThe pipeline would be vulnerable to even the most rudimentary form of sabotage, analysts wrote, and underwater surveillance would be nearly impossible. The 2007 study, written by the Swedish Defense Research Agency, even posited a scenario:
\n\u201cOne diver would be enough to set an explosive device.\u201d
\nToday, European investigators face almost exactly that scenario. The Swedish authorities leading a criminal investigation have concluded that a state actor was most likely responsible for a September blast that ripped through the gas pipes. Officials and experts say that explosives were probably dropped from ships or \u2014 just as the Swedish report warned \u2014 planted on the seafloor using submarines or divers.
\nThe Nord Stream attack has been a wartime mystery, prompting finger-pointing and speculation about how \u2014 in an era of constant satellite surveillance, in the midst of an energy crisis and with Europe on alert because of the war in Ukraine \u2014 a vessel could creep up on a crucial energy conduit, plant a bomb and leave without a trace.
\nThe Baltic Sea, it turns out, was a nearly ideal crime scene. Its floor is latticed with telecommunication cables and pipes that, as had been warned, are not closely monitored. Ships come and go constantly from the nine countries bordering the sea, and vessels can easily hide by turning off their tracking transponders.<\/p>\n
\nThe Baltic is also a giant graveyard for unexploded munitions and chemical weapons dumped after the World Wars. Expeditions to clear those obstacles are common, meaning the expertise to carry out underwater detonation is ubiquitous. Several countries along the Baltic, including Russia, have dive teams that specialize in seabed operations, officials in the region said. Russia, with a port along the Baltic, has small, quiet submarines that can move undetected, according to former military and intelligence officials in the region.
\nAfter the blasts, Poland and Ukraine openly blamed Russia but provided no evidence. In an interview, Daniel Stenling, Sweden\u2019s top counterintelligence official, declined to speculate on a perpetrator. But he placed the Nord Stream attack squarely in the context of increasingly brazen Russian espionage.
\n\u201cIn the big context of the war in Ukraine that is ongoing, it\u2019s very interesting and very serious,\u201d he said of the blasts, repeatedly emphasizing growing threats from Russian spycraft and cyberattacks.
\n\u201cWe have seen increased acts from Russia for a long time now,\u201d he said.
\nRussia, for its part, has blamed Britain, also without evidence.
\nRussia has a history of using energy to exert influence and has an interest in fracturing alliances within Europe. But the theory that Russia carried out the blasts, repeated often by Western officials, has only gotten more complicated.
\nIn recent weeks, Nord Stream AG, which is majority-owned by a Kremlin-controlled company, has begun pricing out the cost to repair the pipe and restore gas flow, according to a person briefed on the work who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak about it publicly. One repair estimate starts at about $500 million, the person said. Consultants for Russia are also studying how long the damaged pipes can withstand saltwater exposure. The inquiries raise the question of why, if Russia bombed its own pipelines, it would begin the expensive work of repairing them.<\/p>\n
\nNot so, Mr. Stenling said. \u201cWe have no concrete evidence,\u201d he said. \u201cBut hopefully we will.\u201d
\nAs for his government\u2019s choice to keep its cards close, Mr. Stenling said: \u201cThe entire investigation is unusual.\u201d
\nNord Stream encompasses two projects, each a pair of concrete-encased steel pipes nearly four feet in diameter and more than 700 miles long.
\nThe first pair, Nord Stream I, came online in 2011. Germany wanted cheap, reliable gas, and Russia wanted to reduce its reliance on piping gas through Ukraine, a country with which it had a contentious relationship long before this year\u2019s invasion.
\nJust about everyone else in Europe, along with the United States, objected. A senior Polish official even compared the pipeline deal to the pre-World War II pact between Hitler and Stalin that carved up Poland.
\nSweden objected to part of the project that was planned near its coastline, arguing that it could enable Russian surveillance.
\nBut the biggest argument was that Nord Stream would make Europe too reliant on Russian gas, giving Moscow a lever over the European Union with its ability to turn off supplies.<\/p>\n
\nConstruction finished last September and, as Russian soldiers gathered on the border with Ukraine, Ukrainian officials saw the pipeline as a security threat. If Russian gas suppliers could further bypass Ukraine, the argument went, the Kremlin would have no reason not to bomb Ukrainian infrastructure.
\nLast year, Ukrainian energy regulators sent a 13-page letter to Poland as part of a coordinated effort to stop the new pipeline from coming online. Nord Stream II \u201cwill negatively impact on Ukraine\u2019s national security,\u201d read the letter, which was obtained by The New York Times. The letter also warned of economic consequences for Ukraine, since Russian companies still pay to send gas through Ukrainian pipes.
\nEven after Russia invaded, a Ukrainian government document obtained by The Times shows that Ukraine expected to continue charging Russian companies, including state-owned Gazprom and Rosneft, to transmit gas during the first half of 2022. Under its contract, Ukraine receives an average of $1 billion a year in transit fees.
\nSo the pipelines had no shortage of adversaries.
\nBut sabotaging a key piece of energy infrastructure could be considered an act of war. For a European Union or NATO member to carry it out would have significant consequences, shattering trust in two of the most important Western partnerships. And while attacking the pipeline may have made financial sense for Ukraine, particularly in a time of war, its capability to pull off such a feat is unclear. Ukraine does not have a Baltic port and its only known submarine was captured by Russia in 2014.<\/p>\n
\nIn one Gazprom meeting, an executive dismissed the idea that Europe could leave Nord Stream II closed. \u201cWait for one cold winter, and they will beg for our gas,\u201d one official told colleagues at a meeting with Russian policymakers and business executives last year, according to an attendee. The attendee spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the meeting.
\nBut Germany blocked Nord Stream II\u2019s launch.
\nAs European countries stockpiled natural gas this year, the Kremlin\u2019s behavior changed. Russia took Nord Stream I offline in late August, blaming mechanical issues. In early September, the Kremlin said that the pipeline would be shut indefinitely. The explosions came a few weeks later, on Sept. 26. They severed both strands of Nord Stream I and one of the Nord Stream II pipes.
\nThe explosion does not neatly benefit Russia. It must keep paying transit fees to Ukraine, it cannot easily use the promise of cheap gas to cleave Germany from its European allies, and it faces hefty repair costs.
\nBut the sabotage all but guarantees that gas prices will be uncomfortably high for Europeans until spring. And it creates an incentive for E.U. countries to push Ukraine to negotiate a quick ending, since the war threatens the land-based pipes that bring gas west. The fact that one of the Nord Stream II pipes remains intact also means that, in an energy crunch, Germany could reverse course and allow that pipe to start pumping gas.
\nSabotaging Nord Stream also creates uncertainty about what other infrastructure could be attacked. In addition to damaging the pipeline, the explosion came perilously close to damaging a cable carrying electricity from Sweden to Poland. \u201cYou are sending a signal,\u201d said Martin Kragh, deputy director of the Stockholm Center for Eastern European Studies at the nonprofit Swedish Institute of International Affairs. \u201cIt\u2019s signaling \u2018We can do this, and we can do this elsewhere.\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n
\n\u201cWe are less certain that the primary aim was functional damage here, because the Nord Stream gas pipeline was not operational at the time,\u201d said Kjell Engelbrekt, who teaches political science at the Swedish Defense University.
\n(The lack of gas at the time of the explosion also casts serious doubt on a theory that a bomb was sent through the pipe using an inspection device known as a PIG, or pipeline inspection gauge. \u201cNonsense,\u201d said Stephan Harmsen, who designed the PIG for Nord Stream I. Those devices require gas flow to operate, he said).
\nSwedish investigators have recovered explosive residue from the blast site. But they have found the Baltic a difficult environment. Undersea photos showed little. Surveillance of such an enormous pipeline would have been incredibly expensive and was never a priority for European intelligence agencies. The best undersea surveillance in the area, security experts say, is by Russian sonar sensors along the pipeline. Western investigators have no access to that data.
\nWith scant evidence from the seabed, a breakthrough may rely on intelligence service wiretaps and human sources. But so far, American and European intelligence agencies have not publicly shared any data that they might have collected.
\n\u201cIt\u2019s very fascinating, but it\u2019s very complex,\u201d Mr. Engelbrekt said. \u201cAnd it\u2019s very difficult without access to some of these data points to start eliminating actors and motives.\u201d<\/p>\n